Minggu, 31 Mei 2015

>> PDF Ebook Invisible Wounds of War: Coming Home from Iraq and Afghanistan, by Marguerite Guzman Bouvard

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Invisible Wounds of War: Coming Home from Iraq and Afghanistan, by Marguerite Guzman Bouvard

There’s no real homecoming for many of our veterans returning from the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan. They may go through the motions of daily life in their hometowns, but the terrible sights and sounds of war are still fresh in their minds.

This empathic, inside look into the lives of our combat veterans reveals the lingering impact that the longest wars in our nation’s history continue to have on far too many of our finest young people. Basing her account on numerous interviews with veterans and their families, the author examines the factors that have made these recent conflicts especially trying.

A major focus of the book is the extreme duress that is a daily part of a soldier’s life in combat zones with no clear frontlines or perimeters. Having to cope with unrecognizable enemies in the midst of civilian populations and attacks from hidden weapons like improvised explosive devices exacts a heavy toll. Compounding the problem is the all-volunteer nature of our armed forces, which often demands multiple deployments of enlistees. This results in frequent cases of post-traumatic stress disorder and families disrupted by the long absence of one and sometimes both parents.

The author also discusses the lack of connectedness between civilian society and military personnel, leading to inadequate healthcare for many veterans. This deficiency has been highlighted by the urgent need to treat traumatic brain injuries in survivors of explosions and the high veteran suicide rate.

Bouvard concludes on a positive note by discussing some of the surprising and encouraging ways that the chasm between civilian and military life is being bridged to help reintegrate our returning soldiers. For veterans, their families, and especially for civilians unaware of how much our soldiers have endured, The Invisible Wounds of War is important reading.


From the Trade Paperback edition.

  • Sales Rank: #1160792 in eBooks
  • Published on: 2012-07-24
  • Released on: 2012-07-24
  • Format: Kindle eBook

Review
"The Invisible Wounds of War is an astonishing work of deep research, interviewing, reporting, and compassion that makes visible the personal, societal, psychological, and spiritual costs of the deep—and too often ignored—wounds suffered by many men and women who so patriotically volunteered their service in Iraq and Afghanistan. It should be required reading for every member of the US Congress, the press, and the rest of us who can learn how we also can be part of the solution."
—Florence George Graves, Founding director of the Schuster Institute for Investigative Journalism at Brandeis University

"Too many of our veterans suffer in silence, unable to express the pain they feel, the losses they have endured, the transformation that has made them strangers to themselves. It isn’t easy to hear their voices, but Marguerite Guzmán Bouvard has done just that, by learning how to listen. And in this book of terrible truth, she encourages the rest of us to listen and to be far more understanding and angry and hopeful. We have a national tragedy to absorb—the impact of this decade of war on our sons and daughters, who will carry invisible wounds for many decades to come."
—Frank M. Ochberg, MD, Clinical professor of psychiatry, Michigan State University; former associate director, National Institute of Mental Health

"This book deserves to be read by everyone to both appreciate and understand our soldiers’ sacrifices. We all need to learn that their wounds are not just physical but also psychological, emotional, and spiritual, and that their families make tremendous long-term sacrifices after their return. Our soldiers should be honored and recognized for their service. Sharing their stories, and those of their families, is a way of healing in which we can all participate."
—Isaac Schiff, MD, Chief of service, Vincent Department of Obstetrics and Gynecology, Massachusetts General Hospital

About the Author
Marguerite Guzmán Bouvard is the author of The Path through Grief: A Compassionate Guide, a number of books on human rights, and award-winning books of poetry. She is a resident scholar at the Women’s Studies Research Center at Brandeis University. For many years she was head of the Political Science Department and a professor of political science at Regis College in Weston, Massachusetts.

Most helpful customer reviews

15 of 15 people found the following review helpful.
Opening Our Eyes to the War at Home
By Story Circle Book Reviews
As a child, I gave little thought to my father being a World War II veteran. The fathers of all my friends were veterans. Forty percent of Americans served in WWII. Yet for all its horrors, as many WWII veterans will tell you, it was a cakewalk compared to what today's troops have faced and continue to endure in Iraq and Afghanistan.

There are many key differences, but as Marguerite Guzman Bouvard's new book, The Invisible Wounds of War: Coming Home from Iraq and Afghanistan fiercely reveals, the most salient one is how few of our citizens are bearing the burden of today's wars: one percent. That difference is at the heart of all the other differences, especially the extreme nature of our new veterans' trauma. The Invisible Wounds of War has convinced me that our young veterans suffer a greater degree of trauma from that of veterans of prior wars.

Troops in World War II typically fought for nine months, some for two years. They knew who their enemy was. The rules of war applied. And their nation supported them, not just with words but with deeds: rations, victory gardens, work in manufacturing weapons.

Today's troops have known three, four, even five deployments. They have come home, only to leave again. Their enemy is invisible and omnipresent, taking the shape of even children. So many are returning now that, even though we are fully aware of the phenomena of PTSD, our Veterans Administration is overwhelmed. Accessing mental health care often takes two or more years. Because only one percent of Americans have served in Iraq and Afghanistan, very few of us know such details. Very few of us know a veteran. Bouvard introduces them to us.

Noah Pierce enlisted in 2002, at age seventeen, his mother, Cheryl, unable to dissuade him. He participated in the invasion of Iraq, serving on the front lines, entering Iraqi homes, witnessing the deaths of close friends and innocent civilians. Yet as much as his mother tried to support him while he was deployed, she was "unprepared for the changes in her son" when he returned. After his homecoming, when she thought his war had ended, she watched a new one begin. Bouvard quotes from a letter Cheryl wrote to the members of Congress: "Even though (my son) came home physically, mentally, he never returned home. Noah had PTSD and was a prisoner of war in his own mind and left untreated, the PTSD progressively worsened." Unable to receive the help he needed from his local VA, Noah committed suicide to end his anguish. Cheryl has become an activist, working for the implementation of mandatory counseling for all returning troops within six months of completion of their service.

An awful pattern of psychic damage emerges from Bouvard's profiles of veterans and their families. In war, our service men and women helplessly witness brutal deaths of close comrades and innocent Iraqi and Afghanistans. They suffer sexual harassment and even rape by superiors. They become both agents and victims of violence and death and then return home to a nation not informed or interested in engaging with their suffering. Their training often prevents them from admitting the need to seek counseling. When they do, they encounter a Veterans Administration inadequately resourced. Our weak economy does not offer the jobs and support they need.

The veterans' spouses, parents, and children become the new front line, advocating for the veterans and fighting for them to have access to indispensable mental health care. Every day in this country, a veteran commits suicide, a terrifying fact. The families fight, every moment, to keep their son or daughter, their husband or wife alive. On that front line, even when their veteran survives, the family becomes traumatized.

Entire families are suffering, most of them very alone.

Because they are the one percent.

The Invisible Wounds of War tells their stories--those of the veterans, their mothers, their fathers, their spouses, their children--to create a full portrait of the consequence of these wars. Rather than presenting the interviews themselves, Bouvard expertly weaves the individuals' words into an overarching narrative of war's devastation of the spirit. She introduces these people in their full humanity, so we know their unique gifts, characteristics, and shattered dreams. (As excellent and succinct as the introductory overview of the wars in Iraq and Afghanistan is, I wish the book began immediately with the veterans' stories, as they are the key to engaging even the most clueless of readers. I also wish there was an appendix of the referenced programs and nonprofits that individuals have created around the country.) Bouvard's writing makes it all but impossible to read of the costs our wars have had for these veterans and not feel compassion. And outrage.

Stirring outrage in the reader is The Invisible Wounds of War's greatest achievement. Those of us in the ninety-nine percent not at risk in these wars must feel outrage for what our depending on a volunteer army has done to those who volunteer. If our government had instituted a draft after 9/11, would these wars have continued for the past nine years? The stories contained in The Invisible Wounds of War show us, without one word of commentary, how immoral our country's reliance on a volunteer army is. We are collaborators in our military making cannon fodder out of our service women and men. So the ninety-nine percent of us need not worry about our sons or husbands being called to war, those who go--because they want to serve our country or because a recruiter enticed them with deceitful promises--become subject to multiple deployments that seal their fate. The rest of us avert our eyes.

The Invisible Wounds of War opens our eyes wide. We see the devastation done in our names so we can keep shopping and watching "Survivors." We feel the outrage. Bouvard encourages us to turn that outrage into action and get out there and help these families.

by Leila Levinson
for Story Circle Book Reviews
reviewing books by, for, and about women

3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Caring and being Informed
By Kym Adams
I watched the author being interviewed on CSPAN Book TV. The well being of our troops is always of interest to me. My Grandfather was killed at the Somme WW2, my fathers were in the Army and Navy during WW2, everyone in my family has been affected by war. My son was in the Air Force. War is a horrific experience on and off the battle field. I wanted to know how women and men handle so many deployments and how it affected not only them, but their families. There are no easy answers, and yet it seems so many untold numbers are not receiving the treatment and care they need. I am astounded that in this day and age we still put a stigma on the men and women who deeply affected by the horrors of war. We are human beings not machines.

3 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Eye opening
By Amazon Customer
The book starts with a lengthy section about combat in Iraq and Afghanistan and the situations our soldiers face. The book is worth the read for this alone. The issues returning vets face at home is perhaps even more sobering for these are things we should be able to fix or avoid. Excellent for raising awareness, provocative and even somewhat disturbing. A good read for anyone who feels a sense of gratitude for what our soldiers have done for us.

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Sabtu, 30 Mei 2015

# Free Ebook Zoot Suit: The Enigmatic Career of an Extreme Style, by Kathy Peiss

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Zoot Suit: The Enigmatic Career of an Extreme Style, by Kathy Peiss

ZOOT SUIT (n.): the ultimate in clothes. The only totally and truly American civilian suit.
—Cab Calloway, The Hepster's Dictionary, 1944

Before the fashion statements of hippies, punks, or hip-hop, there was the zoot suit, a striking urban look of the World War II era that captivated the imagination. Created by poor African American men and obscure tailors, the "drape shape" was embraced by Mexican American pachucos, working-class youth, entertainers, and swing dancers, yet condemned by the U.S. government as wasteful and unpatriotic in a time of war. The fashion became notorious when it appeared to trigger violence and disorder in Los Angeles in 1943—events forever known as the "zoot suit riot." In its wake, social scientists, psychiatrists, journalists, and politicians all tried to explain the riddle of the zoot suit, transforming it into a multifaceted symbol: to some, a sign of social deviance and psychological disturbance, to others, a gesture of resistance against racial prejudice and discrimination. As controversy swirled at home, young men in other places—French zazous, South African tsotsi, Trinidadian saga boys, and Russian stiliagi—made the American zoot suit their own.

In Zoot Suit, historian Kathy Peiss explores this extreme fashion and its mysterious career during World War II and after, as it spread from Harlem across the United States and around the world. She traces the unfolding history of this style and its importance to the youth who adopted it as their uniform, and at the same time considers the way public figures, experts, political activists, and historians have interpreted it. This outré style was a turning point in the way we understand the meaning of clothing as an expression of social conditions and power relations. Zoot Suit offers a new perspective on youth culture and the politics of style, tracing the seam between fashion and social action.

  • Sales Rank: #1172063 in eBooks
  • Published on: 2011-05-23
  • Released on: 2011-05-23
  • Format: Kindle eBook

Review

"Thorough, well-researched, and illuminating."—PopMatters



"An important and valuable book. The breadth of research upon which it is based and Peiss's determination to question conventional assumptions considerably enrich our understanding of the zoot."—Journal of American Studies



"Peiss is a creative and brilliant scholar and her book is a much-welcomed addition to the body of scholarship dedicated to unlocking the riddle of the zoot."—American Historical Review



"Kathy Peiss brilliantly unravels the many meanings of the zoot suit while sustaining the aesthetic pleasure of its creation in the complex cultural fabric of American life. Zoot Suit is a cultural history laced with the eye of ethnography, showing how an original African American sartorial style carried substantial symbolic power into the lives of Mexican American pachucos suaves, Jewish tailor trumpeters, and all who would wear 'the Drape' as a statement of hipness."—Nick Spitzer, producer and host of American Routes



"Refreshingly skeptical of the intellectual habit of reducing all cultural expression to the political."—Wall Street Journal



"Zoot Suit is a sophisticated, independent minded, and valuable book; there should be more work like it in the field. Peiss's principled attention to evidence, her nuanced argument, and her willingness to question conventional assumptions about the meaning of popular forms all go a long way toward re-grounding American Studies in the lived world."—Carlo Rotella, author of Good With Their Hands: Boxers, Bluesmen, and Other Characters from the Rust Belt

About the Author
Kathy Peiss is Roy F. and Jeannette P. Nichols Professor of American History at the University of Pennsylvania. She is the author of Hope in a Jar: The Making of America's Beauty Culture, also available from the University of Pennsylvania Press, and Cheap Amusements: Working Women and Leisure in Turn-of-the-Century New York.

Most helpful customer reviews

5 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
Reet Pleats and Drape Shape
By Rob Hardy
Cab Calloway knew something about extreme styles. In his _The Hepster's Dictionary_ he listed "ZOOT (adj.): exaggerated." Just under it, necessarily, was "ZOOT SUIT (n.): the ultimate in clothes. The only totally and truly American civilian suit." He makes it sound patriotic, but some Americans looked at the zoot suit and were as horrified as only an older generation looking at the peculiarities of a younger generation can be. If the zoot suit was truly American, so were the anxieties it caused, and the race riots it sparked. Kathy Peiss, a professor of American history, has looked at these interpretations of a peculiar garment, its history, and its influence. It isn't all superficial fashion; her book _Zoot Suit: The Enigmatic Career of an Extreme Style_ (University of Pennsylvania Press) is a deeply researched, scholarly, yet entertaining account of all aspects of a frivolous garment that Peiss dares to take seriously.

The design of the suit had many modifications, and came in all colors, but it consisted basically of "the long killer-diller coat with a drape shape and wide shoulders; pants with reet-pleats, billowing out at the knees, tightly tapered and pegged at the ankles; a porkpie or wide-brimmed hat; pointed or thick-soled shoes; and a long, dangling keychain." It took the idea of a suit and stretched it almost to caricature. In one way it was a practical garment. A regular suit during the forties would have been too confining for the gymnastic movies of swing and jitterbug. The zoot suit's roomy pants accentuated leg movement, and pegging them at the ankles meant that they didn't get tangled with the clothes of other dancers. The style spread nationwide, predominantly among non-white young men but also taken up by whites. The War Production Board banned the suit, ostensibly because it used too much cloth that otherwise ought to have gone to the war effort. The order had no teeth and few tailors ever got into trouble. The outlaw nature of the garment was perceived by those who did not wear it, and elders in the Hispanic and black communities cluck-clucked as their sons dressed so outlandishly. The most famous confrontation over the style was the Zoot Suit Riot that occurred in Los Angeles in 1943. Sailors assigned to the area appointed themselves as fashion police, and started harassing and beating up Hispanic men who had the garment on. One sailor told the press, "We'll destroy every zoot suit in Los Angeles before this is over," but this did little to explain why the white sailors were also beating up non-whites who had on ordinary work clothes, nor why no white zoot-suitors were similarly assaulted. It was handy to say that this was an operation against the zoot suit, but it was a simple race riot. The riots spilled into theaters, where management was forced to turn on the lights so that the audience's attire could be checked. Young men were pulled from trolleys, and private homes were invaded. There were five days of rioting, with over a hundred people injured, a climax of growing discontent between races who had been competing for jobs and status. The newspapers in Los Angeles, especially the Hearst press, were hostile to the zoot suiters, associating them with criminality. The _Herald-Express_ explicitly printed instructions on how to "de-zoot," as follows: "Grab a zooter. Take off his pants and frock coat and tear them up or burn them. Trim the `Argentine ducktail' that goes with the screwy costume." The police and FBI claimed to have reports of wives of sailors being robbed and raped by zoot suiters; the unfounded rumors would churn up hostility and keep the riots going. The press continued to claim that it was the suit itself that was the problem, not any racial hostility, which is to attribute a lot of power to some fancy clothes.

The suit is still around; Cab Calloway wore one for his turn in The Blues Brothers. A form of zoot suit was adopted by young people all around the world, causing international fretting among the elders, who saw the zoot suit as part of the secret weapons the west was deploying against youth, weapons such as "jitterbugging, boogie-woogie, Bikiniism," according to one Romanian commentator. Peiss's engaging book is best when it examines those who examined the zoot suit and tried to put some higher sociological meaning to it, and simply failed or came to contradictory conclusions. I think the best understanding that one can come to is that the younger generation dresses funny and it bothers the older generation. The older generation ought to have the maturity to laugh it off, but then that would break a cycle that is stable and enjoyed at some level by both sides. The next Goth you see, the next kid with a belt around his knees - smile and just be glad the get-up isn't an excuse for riots.

1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
great book
By cameron king
I came across this book at the library and it sparked interest because I have always been interested in chicano culture.This book is short and sweet as well as very entertaining.The author did an outstanding job in her research and there are some great pictures to go along with the story.This book has six chapters all very detailed from the origins of the zuit suit,the LA riot,and the spread of the style.The afterword is great as well as it indulges into the mystic and any last thoughts on the subject.This book explores a lot and if you are interested in black or chicano history then this book is a must read.

0 of 5 people found the following review helpful.
"When, and under what circumstances, a fashion has been understood as political, and when not."
By ROROTOKO
This book is on the Rorotoko list. Professor Peiss's interview on "Zoot Suit" ran as the Rorotoko Cover Feature on August 29, 2011 (and can be read in the Rorotoko archive).

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Design After Decline: How America Rebuilds Shrinking Cities (The City in the Twenty-First Century), by Brent D. Ryan

Almost fifty years ago, America's industrial cities—Detroit, Philadelphia, Cleveland, Baltimore, and others—began shedding people and jobs. Today they are littered with tens of thousands of abandoned houses, shuttered factories, and vacant lots. With population and housing losses continuing in the wake of the 2007 financial crisis, the future of neighborhoods in these places is precarious. How we will rebuild shrinking cities and what urban design vision will guide their future remain contentious and unknown.

In Design After Decline, Brent D. Ryan reveals the fraught and intermittently successful efforts of architects, planners, and city officials to rebuild shrinking cities following mid-century urban renewal. With modern architecture in disrepute, federal funds scarce, and architects and planners disengaged, politicians and developers were left to pick up the pieces. In twin narratives, Ryan describes how America's two largest shrinking cities, Detroit and Philadelphia, faced the challenge of design after decline in dramatically different ways. While Detroit allowed developers to carve up the cityscape into suburban enclaves, Philadelphia brought back 1960s-style land condemnation for benevolent social purposes. Both Detroit and Philadelphia "succeeded" in rebuilding but at the cost of innovative urban design and planning.

Ryan proposes that the unprecedented crisis facing these cities today requires a revival of the visionary thinking found in the best modernist urban design, tempered with the lessons gained from post-1960s community planning. Depicting the ideal shrinking city as a shifting patchwork of open and settled areas, Ryan concludes that accepting the inevitable decline and abandonment of some neighborhoods, while rebuilding others as new neighborhoods with innovative design and planning, can reignite modernism's spirit of optimism and shape a brighter future for shrinking cities and their residents.

  • Sales Rank: #1054325 in eBooks
  • Published on: 2012-05-22
  • Released on: 2012-05-22
  • Format: Kindle eBook

Review

Named one of Planetizen's Top 10 Books for 2013



"Design After Decline is an important addition to the study of urbanism 'after the fall.' Ryan brings to this surprisingly little-researched topic an impressive expertise in planning as well as a belief in the social impact of good urban design. As he shows, the many failures and few hard-won victories of late twentieth-century urbanism must be understood if we are to recover a genuine American urbanism in the course of the twenty-first century."—Robert Fishman, University of Michigan



"Brent D. Ryan has produced a well-written and well-researched narrative about the development of many older American cities. Especially, the case studies about Detroit and Philadelphia are as interesting to read as they are well documented."—Journal of Housing and the Built Environment



"A great read, a valuable contribution to current planning discourses on shrinking cities. This is a book that will be noticed not only in the United States but also abroad."—Journal of the American Planning Association

About the Author
Brent D. Ryan is Associate Professor of Urban Design and Public Policy at the Massachusetts Institute of Technology.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Preface

In the summer of 1993, on break from architecture school, I paid a visit to friends in the city of Detroit. I knew of Detroit's fearsome reputation, and the city's vacant lots, burned-out homes, and bleak, empty skyscrapers confirmed Detroit as the paradigm of urban blight. The sense of emptiness was overpowering; I was shocked to see that even the city's train station, designed by Warren and Wetmore at the same time as their Grand Central Terminal, had been left open to the winds of fate. Entering the station's burned-out, rubble-strewn great hall early one morning, I felt as if I was walking into the ruin of America. To me, Detroit was a half-dead declaration that the decades-long attempt to rebuild what were then known as "declining" American cities had utterly failed. What place was there for optimism in such a landscape?

As I researched cities further, I discovered that optimism did exist in Detroit and other Rust Belt cities such as Philadelphia and Cleveland: new housing was being constructed in small quantities, some commercial areas were thriving, and downtowns still attracted visitors for sports, conventions, and tourism. But my overall sense of disappointment was scarcely allayed by the scattered new neighborhood developments that I saw in declining cities. Many of them seemed to imitate suburban developments, complete with iconic culs-de-sac. In the late 1990s public housing towers began to disappear, replaced by townhouse communities allegedly modeled on the historic city but to me more reminiscent of suburban condominiums. The overall effect of these "revitalization" efforts struck me as not only formally unadventurous but sadly underscaled against the evident abandonment of declining cities. Was no one else noticing North Philadelphia and Detroit, I wondered? Why weren't we doing anything about these places?

I was well aware that older American cities had gone through a substantial rebuilding process only a few decades earlier, during the heyday of Modern architecture. My hometown of New Haven, Connecticut, was littered with the concrete and steel remnants of such efforts—an unfinished highway, a gargantuan arena, and lots and lots of empty land marked the results of the last time urban planners had tried to "save" the city. New Haven showed that the death of these so-called "urban renewal" policies had not been such a bad thing for the city—the brutal clearance of city neighborhoods ended, as did the construction of alienating buildings such as Roche and Dinkeloo's Knights of Columbus tower. At least the federal government was no longer subsidizing the dislocation of urban residents, and cities were no longer celebrating their own "sacking," as Jane Jacobs (1961, 4) had trenchantly put it. Architects were mostly building their large-scale work in the suburbs or on other continents, and many urban-renewal-era Modernists like Paul Rudolph had finished out their careers overseas in tremendous style. As I learned more about urban planning I saw that planners too had abandoned the notion of utopia; rather than projecting new visions, they sought to patch, support, and assist the modest but sincere visions espoused by city dwellers. In places like Boston, with a robust economy and substantial historical urban fabric, this postrenewal approach seemed to be working well.

But what about shrinking cities like Detroit? As far as I could see, not much at all was happening to help the Motor City, or the depressed areas of a half-dozen other large declining cities that I came to know well: Cleveland, Buffalo, Philadelphia, Baltimore, St. Louis, and Chicago's south and west sides. The overwhelming modesty of these cities' 1990s rebuilding lacked Modernism's arrogance, but these projects also seemed to say that the future of shrinking cities was now the single-family detached home, perhaps constructed by a small nonprofit organization and housing a fortunate low-income family. Social planners celebrated this "community-based" rebuilding, but the tools and scope of this rebuilding, as far as I could see, were limited to the generic models provided by the suburban building industry and to the feeble funding still being provided by the federal government. If this constituted a victory over urban renewal, it seemed a pretty hollow one, for most shrinking-city neighborhoods were being abandoned, not reconstructed.

Unlike Jane Jacobs's "attack on current city planning and rebuilding" (1961, 3) in the Death and Life of Great American Cities, I found it hard to blame an obvious actor for the parlous condition of America's shrinking cities. The "master planners" of the 1960s were retired, large-scale neighborhood clearance was no longer occurring, architects were not building anything substantial outside of downtown facilities, planners claimed to represent the people, and city politicians all claimed to want to help their cities. It was clear that the failure I was witnessing, if one even perceived this urban shrinkage as failure, was a collective one, attributable to the entirety of actors responsible for rebuilding deteriorated, low-income, depressed areas of cities. There was no single actor to blame. The federal government mostly left cities to their own devices through decentralized funding mechanisms such as block grants; public-private coalitions worked hard to activate cities, but they focused on places like downtowns where developers could make money; nonprofit corporations struggled to generate and sustain modest amounts of housing; urban designers, where they even existed, were regulators more than they were builders.

But where cities like Boston and San Francisco were evidently on the way back from decline as early as the 1980s, it was equally clear that the departure of urban renewal had left shrinking cities like Detroit and Philadelphia adrift. The professional, political, aesthetic, and theoretical unity that had motivated Modernism had withered away, and in its place was a growing desolation, filled haphazardly and modestly by rebuilding strategies that were mostly not formal strategies, by planning departments that had lost the ability to plan; by real estate developers who quite sensibly wished to maximize profits; and by communities, most of them racial minorities, that sensed the scale of their problems but that had a collective memory of urban renewal and feared insensitive outside interference. Amid a narrative of urban revitalization success stories, I suspected that I was also witnessing the concealment of failure, for no one could convince me that a place like Camden, New Jersey, represented a policy or design success.

This book is my effort to better understand and explain what I saw happening in America's shrinking cities in the 1990s and the first decade of the 2000s. My central argument is that the end of urban renewal in the mid-1970s brought both a sense of relief and a sense of disillusionment: relief, because urban renewal projects like the federally sponsored Cedar-Riverside New Town In-Town in Minneapolis treated existing neighborhoods with great brutality; and disillusionment because these developments also projected a vision of the future that was nothing if not optimistic. The late-1970s projects that followed them, such as Charlotte Gardens in the South Bronx, possessed neither this brutality nor any of this optimism. Instead, these projects set a tone of small-scale, incremental rebuilding that would continue, at least in city neighborhoods in the United States, for the next thirty years. From this sequence of events emerged a narrative of brutal Modernist urban renewal, and of restorative contextual design, that remains in force today. But I suggest that this argument elides an alternative narrative in which Modernist urban renewal, recovering from the insensitivity of the 1960s, reformed almost exactly at the same time as the federal policies driving urban redevelopment collapsed. To make this argument, I review the experience of the Greater London Council Architect's department, which designed a reformed Modernist version of social housing that corrected for many of the errors of the 1960s, at least until this organization too was shut down.

In the United States, a review of the population and housing trajectories of the largest cities during a fifty-year trajectory from 1950 to 2000 demonstrates that the end of modernist urban renewal in no way interrupted the downward economic trajectory of many of these large cities. In places like Philadelphia and Detroit, losses continued uninterrupted after 1975, suggesting that no single policy regime was destroying (or saving) these places. In the middle chapters of this book, I offer detailed histories of these cities' neighborhood redevelopment efforts, which distinguishes my study from more traditional studies of downtown development, such as that found in Frieden and Sagalyn (1989). Detroit and Philadelphia were both heavily industrial cities, but otherwise they were quite different in terms of geography, design, housing stock, social trajectories, and experience during the urban renewal decades of the 1950s and 1960s. In particular, Philadelphia carried out its rebuilding with greater sensitivity, utilizing urban design and planning judiciously and generating some substantial successes, such as the Society Hill and Yorktown developments, even as it made some of the same mistakes as other cities. Detroit, conversely, was in some ways a much newer city with a recent and relatively disposable housing stock, and its midcentury redevelopment set a precedent of substantial displacement and destruction that arguably contributed to the city's precipitous decline in the 1970s and 1980s. Certainly by the time market interest began to return to these cities around 1990, Detroit had not only fewer intact neighborhoods but also a weaker capacity to redevelop itself intelligently.

Without any centralized housing, planning, or urban design policy, Detroit thus focused on attracting developers to build market-rate housing with the aid of city subsidies. In the Jefferson-Chalmers neighborhood, for example, this strategy achieved notable success, but developers imposed the proviso that the only marketable housing model was the suburban single-family home. After some initial success with the heavily subsidized Victoria Park development, the Detroit process went awry when the city ran out of the easily developable large parcels that urban renewal had generated in the 1970s. The next large Jefferson-Chalmers project was an unmitigated disaster, as the city had to condemn inhabited homes in order to provide a site large enough to meet the demand of a politically connected developer selling market-rate houses. In a struggle reminiscent of the 1960s, bitter community protests delayed the development for years. Detroit headed into the market crash of 2007 having achieved little redevelopment success outside of those few areas where developers were willing to build.

In Philadelphia, a city that actually had less market-rate demand for housing in the 1990s than Detroit, the city pursued an interventionist social housing strategy in its hardest-hit neighborhood of Lower North Philadelphia using momentum from the election of an ambitious new mayor in 1993. Over the next seven years the city carried out a series of social housing developments whose mostly uninspired designs were guided by a larger-scale spatial planning strategy of some sophistication. As the market recovered and then boomed after the turn of the millennium, the city's policy of building low-density social housing persisted. At the time of this writing (2010), suburban-style social housing was still being constructed even as developers were building high-density, mixed-use housing only a few blocks away. Nevertheless Philadelphia's rebuilding strategy made sense from the policy level, if not the design level, and multiple reformed Modernist design precedents existed from the 1960s and 1970s to provide a guide for better building in the future. No such precedent existed in Detroit except for tabula rasa urban renewal projects like Lafayette Park that denied the validity of the existing city.

As the cases of Philadelphia and Detroit suggest, the development precedents from the past thirty years are not exactly promising, and shrinking cities today are focused more on demolition than construction strategies. Moreover, the currently dominant theories of everyday, landscape, and new urbanism all have limitations in the context of shrinking cities and their neighborhoods. That said, I do think there is cause for optimism. In particular, the design trajectory of reformed Modernism that was mostly cut off around 1980 may still reconcile projective design with the social expectations of shrinking-city residents. To establish a new trajectory for shrinking-city rebuilding, I lay out a set of five design and planning principles: palliative planning, which argues that action is important even if full recovery is unlikely; interventionist policy, which argues that serious problems demand equally serious responses and that the decentralized action of the past thirty years has been ineffective in responding to the scale of shrinking-city problems; democratic decision making, which argues that planners must consider the needs of shrinking cities' least able and empowered residents as a central concern; projective design, which argues for rekindling the future-oriented spirit of Modernism while retaining the humanism required for any social design intervention; and patchwork urbanism, a theory that portrays the landscape of the future city as a patchwork of settled, partially empty, reconstructed, and empty areas. Shrinking cities, and cities in general, will always be incomplete, always in flux, yet always moving toward a better future under the aegis of the previous five principles. I conclude with a portrait and illustrations of a "semi-topian" future for a typical shrinking city.

Many of the economic changes, social shifts, and physical deterioration that have afflicted cities like Detroit and Philadelphia are irreversible. But I believe that the recent history of inconsistently managed change is one that can motivate urban designers, planners, and politicians faced with the prospect of future change to reconcile disciplines, reorient policy directions, and reformulate design strategies to face problems head on. In many ways, shrinking cities represent the richest opportunities that currently exist for urban designers in the United States.

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0 of 0 people found the following review helpful.
Why Detroit Declined
By melissa buechel
Gave me tremendous input into the decline of Detroit. Now that my City is coming back, I can see the years of history it has to overcome. I didn't have an idea.

0 of 3 people found the following review helpful.
Hope after urban decline
By james moody
This book arrived well packed and in perfect order. The book cover was in perfect shape. It is now one of the required readings for a special study on urban geography

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Senin, 25 Mei 2015

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Justice Takes a Recess: Judicial Recess Appointments from George Washington to George W. Bush (After the Empire: The Francophone World and

The Constitution allows the president to Ofill up all Vacancies that may happen during the Recess of the Senate, by granting Commissions which shall expire at the End of their next Session.O In Justice Takes a Recess, Scott E. Graves and Robert M. Howard address how presidents have used recess appointments over time and whether the independence of judicial recess appointees is compromised. They argue that these appointments can upset the separation of powers envisioned by the Framers, shifting power away from one branch of government and toward another. Examining every judicial recess appointment from 1789 to 2005, the authors discover that presidents are conditionally strategic when they unilaterally appoint federal judges during Senate recesses. Such appointments were made cautiously for most of the twentieth century, leading to a virtual moratorium for several decades, until three recent recess appointments to the courts in the face of Senate obstruction revived the controversy. These appointments suggest the beginning of a more assertive use of recess appointments in the increasingly politicized activity of staffing the federal courts. The authors argue that the recess appointment clause, as it pertains to the judiciary, is no longer necessary or desirable. The strategic use of such appointments by strong presidents to shift judicial ideology, combined with the lack of independence exhibited by judicial recess appointments, results in recess power that threatens constitutional features of the judicial branch.

  • Published on: 2009-05-16
  • Released on: 2013-03-29
  • Format: Kindle eBook

Review
In this first-rate study of recess appointments, Graves and Howard rigorously examine the use and implication of temporary appointments to the bench. Their analysis provides the first empirical demonstration that the job security ensured by Article III is indeed essential for ensuring judicial independence. This book should be essential reading for those who care about the judiciary and the health of our constitutional system. (Forrest Maltzman, George Washington University)

Despite all the recent attention to judicial selection, recess appointments remained under the radar screen―until now. Justice Takes a Recess is not only a masterful treatment of this understudied topic, but also an excellent example of how to employ sophisticated social science data and methods to develop important policy implications. (Lee Epstein, Northwestern University School of Law)

Graves and Howard provide an important contribution to the growing scholarship in the judicial appointments area. (The Law and Politics Book Review, January 2010)

Leveraging impressive data and sophisticated methods, the authors rigorously address the interesting phenomenon of recess appointments to the federal courts. Anyone who cares about judicial appointments, the independence of the judicial branch, or the separation of powers in general will find this an important book. (Tom Hansford, University of California, Merced)

About the Author
Scott E. Graves is assistant professor of political science at Georgia State University.

Robert M. Howard is professor of political science at Georgia State University.

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1 of 1 people found the following review helpful.
Should Presidents Make Recess Judicial Appointments?
By Ronald H. Clark
Under Article II of the Constitution, Presidents can make so-called "recess appointments" for positions requiring Senate confirmation when the Senate is in recess--either adjourning for long periods (such as between sessions) or even during a session when the Senate recesses briefly, such as for holidays. If the recess appointment is not approved by the Senate by the end of the next session, it becomes null. At that point, the President would have to renominate the proposed appointee. While this power can be applied to any type of executive appointment, it raises special issues when the nominee is to assume a judicial position. This is the first book of which I am aware (although there are a slew of law review articles) that really examines the practice and raises the particularly important issue of whether judges holding recess appointments vote differently than they do after they are confirmed. The authors are two political scientists.

The book (which runs 100 pages) is divided into 6 chapters, focusing on historical development of the practice, Supreme Court appointments, Court of Appeals appointments, and two chapters dealing with a critical assessment of the practice. It should be pointed out that the authors employ an array of statistical operations to perform their analysis. However, they take care to state what their hypotheses are, briefly discuss their methodology, and then explain it all in each chapter's conclusion. The general reader can simply focus on the explanatory sections, skim the statistical portions, and review the conclusions to master the material. While I found some of the authors' findings were not persuasive, I leave it to the more statiscally gifted to evaluate their use of these tools. The book is hampered a bit by some inattentive editing, but this does not detract from the substance of the book.

The most important finding is that some judges holding recess appointments vote differently than after they are later confirmed (as most are). Whether the strategy is to avoid raising concerns in the Senate when it does vote upon their nomination, or to make sure that the President renominates them, the authors suggest that to varying extents, some recess judges "pull their punches." This strikes at the very idea of an impartial judiciary and is one of the main reasons that the authors argue (if that is appropriate for empirical social scientists) that the practice OUGHT not to be employed for judicial appointments. President Eisenhower made three such appointments to the Supreme Court (Warren, Brennan and Stewart); the fact that all three were fine Justices does not obviate the need to subject this practice to serious scrutiny. Thanks to this book, it is easy to get up to speed and develop an informed opinion on the issue.

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  • Published on: 2011-08-24
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^ Download Universal Human Rights and Extraterritorial Obligations (Pennsylvania Studies in Human Rights)From University of Pennsylvania Press

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Universal Human Rights and Extraterritorial Obligations (Pennsylvania Studies in Human Rights)From University of Pennsylvania Press

Globalization challenges fundamental principles governing international law, especially with respect to state sovereignty and international relations. This transformation has had a significant impact on the practice of trade law, financial regulation, and environmental law but relatively little effect on one area of law and regulation: human rights.

Universal Human Rights and Extraterritorial Obligations examines both the international and domestic foundations of human rights law. What other contemporary human rights debates have almost totally ignored is that in an increasingly interdependent world—where public and private international actors have great influence on the lives of individuals everywhere—it is insufficient to assess only the record of domestic governments in human rights. It is equally important to assess the effect of actions taken by intergovernmental organizations, international private entities, and foreign states.

From this standpoint, contributors to this book address how states' actions or omissions may affect the prospects of individuals in foreign states and asks important questions: To what extent do agricultural policies of rich countries influence the right to food in poorer countries? How do decisions to screen asylum seekers outside state borders affect refugee rights? How does cooperation among different states in the "war on terror" influence individuals' rights to be free from torture? This volume presents a brief for a more complex and updated approach to the protection of human rights worldwide.

  • Sales Rank: #852761 in eBooks
  • Published on: 2012-07-03
  • Released on: 2012-07-03
  • Format: Kindle eBook

About the Author
Mark Gibney is Belk Distinguished Professor and Professor of Political Science at the University of North Carolina, Asheville. He is the author, coauthor, or coeditor of several books on international affairs and human rights, including The Age of Apology: Facing Up to the Past, also available from the University of Pennsylvania Press. Sigrun Skogly is Professor of Human Rights Law at Lancaster University and is the author of a number of publications, including Beyond National Borders: States' Human Rights Obligations in International Cooperation.

Excerpt. © Reprinted by permission. All rights reserved.

Introduction
Sigrun Skogly and Mark Gibney

The fundamental principles governing international law are changing dramatically. International law, which traditionally has regulated the conduct between and among countries, has had as its core the respect for state sovereignty. However, the latter part of the twentieth century witnessed fundamental changes to the way in which the international community operates that are based upon a deep interdependence among states and their openness to international actors. This is often labeled the process of globalization. This process has had a significant impact on states' sovereignty and on the way in which international law regulates the interaction among states. This phenomenon includes the way in which international trade law (spearheaded by the World Trade Organization) dictates how member states' trade policies may operate; the way in which international financial law (led by the International Monetary Fund) determines financial policies of member states; and the way in which international environmental law regulates actions with transboundary effects. Thus, international law is no longer restricted to areas of interstate concern but it has also come to regulate states' domestic actions as well. Opponents to this view may hold that states are still sovereign in that they are not forced to take part in these international legal regimes. However, this view fails to take account of the political and economic realities of international relations where the voluntary nature of this regulation for most states (particularly weaker or poorer states) is a legal fiction.

In this new reality, which is prevalent in the practice of international law but still lacking in theoretical recognition, there is one area that is curiously lagging behind: human rights. This is not meant to suggest that international human rights law does not have a strong domestic foundation. In fact, the reason why international human rights law is so "revolutionary" is that it focuses almost exclusively on the "vertical" relationship between the state and the subjects of that state, rather than the "horizontal" relationship between and among nation-states. However, what human rights has almost totally ignored is that in an increasingly interdependent world—where public and private international actors have great influence upon the lives and living conditions of individuals all over the world—it is not sufficient simply to assess what domestic governments are doing in terms of human rights; it is equally important to assess the effect of other actors: intergovernmental organizations, international private entities, and foreign states as well.

The worldview adopted by rich and powerful states is that what they do in the world—whether through development activities, trade relations, military cooperation, or other foreign relations—will inevitably be beneficial and "good," while human rights violations are the sole responsibility of "other" governments (Mutua 2002). This, however, offers a very simplistic (and convenient) view of the world, and it ignores the manner in which those states that set the international agenda directly and indirectly influence the enjoyment of human rights in third countries.

There has been some reaction against this dominant approach, most notably in the anti-globalization movement or in the rights-based approach to development. In addition, at least a few scholars have called for creating mechanisms for increased and effective accountability on the part of intergovernmental institutions and private international actors. Still, what has been absent is any kind of systematic analysis of the changed realities of how the international community works, which is one reason why the entire human rights enterprise threatens to make itself irrelevant, especially to those who suffer human rights violations. In the words of Margot Salomon, "a rights-based approach to globalization seeks to place international human rights standards and principles at the centre of international economic affairs; to have them successfully inform all cooperative endeavours that may impact on their exercise. However, the international law of human rights will only provide the humanizing force that the negative trends in globalization require of it if it evolves to meet these challenges" (Salomon 2007, 11).

It is time to address this enormous gap in international law and to examine the manner in which foreign states influence the enjoyment of human rights in third countries. What the chapters in this book analyze is neither the "horizontal" nor the "vertical," but rather, the "diagonal" relationship between outside actors (especially Western states) and citizens in other countries. This is not an attempt to take issue with the principle that it is the domestic state that has the primary responsibility for its own population's human rights. What is added, however, is the notion that states should be held accountable wherever their actions may influence human rights enjoyment. The problem is that this idea runs smack into such established international law principles as "national sovereignty" and "jurisdiction." In a wonderful analogy that he develops in his contribution to this volume, Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen likens the need for new thinking in the realm of human rights to the emergence of quantum mechanics, which arose when classical physics theory was found to be incapable of explaining phenomena at the atomic level. For Gammeltoft-Hansen (and the other authors in this volume), international law is frequently unable to deal with a globalized world where states are increasingly interrelated. It is tempting to add to this that the intellectual appreciation of extraterritorial obligations may well require the development of legal principles that make a "quantum leap" from the traditional territorial confines of human rights law.

In this book we address a variety of issues: What are the theoretical foundations for asserting that states have human rights obligations that go beyond national borders? How do foreign policy decisions—including development assistance, trade relations, and military cooperation—affect the human rights of individuals in third countries? How could states become more accountable for their foreign policies, and are there remedies that could be put in place for victims of the negative effects of such policies? It is indeed surprising that at the same time that international environmental law is developing provisions that call for consultation with affected people in third states in case of possible pollution, it would still be seen as an infringement of state sovereignty if similar provisions were to be introduced in situations of possible human rights violations.

There are some isolated developments within the implementation of human rights that are starting to reflect the concerns described above. Sweden adopted a White Paper in 1998 in which it approved the principle that all Swedish foreign policy should have the overall aim of protecting or promoting human rights. The UN Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights has started to question states that report to it as to how they ensure that their voting in international institutions, or their design of development policies, takes into account the effect on economic, social, and cultural rights (Sepúlveda 2006). Opposition politicians in the United Kingdom have suggested that the government of the United Kingdom may have been complicit in the violation of the right to be free from torture in connection with the extraordinary rendition of individuals eventually ending up as detainees in Guantánamo Bay (BBC 2009). And finally, several of the United Nations' special rapporteurs have started to develop this idea of extraterritorial obligations in their own work, some of which is explored in this volume.

There is an emerging literature on the theoretical foundations for extraterritorial obligations (Skogly 2006), the interpretation of applicable treaty law (Coomans and Kamminga 2004), and relevant international economic structures and human rights law (Pogge 2007; Salomon 2007; Rajagopal 2003). Some more specific work in this area has also been done in the field of economic, social, and cultural rights (Skogly 2003b; International Council for Human Rights Policy 2003; Skogly and Gibney 2007). The aim of the current book is to illustrate the implications of extraterritorial obligations on the enjoyment and implementation of specific human rights, with examples taken from civil and political rights as well as economic, social, and cultural ones. Furthermore, we are addressing some larger cross-cutting issues where the extraterritorial effects of states' actions are considered from the perspectives of environmental law and refugee law.

The theoretical challenges in this realm are substantial. Just as there is a need for rethinking the position of sovereignty with regard to international human rights law generally, there is also a need to rethink other key concepts such as jurisdiction, state responsibility, and accountability. Furthermore, the applicability of the tripartite typology of obligations (to respect, protect, and fulfill) in terms of foreign policy needs to be explicitly recognized.

One of the most controversial issues with regard to extraterritorial human rights obligations has been the concept of jurisdiction. What various adjudicatory bodies have been trying to determine is where the domestic state's jurisdiction ends, and where the foreign state's jurisdiction begins. This approach to human rights obligations is built on the traditional notion that jurisdiction is to be equated solely with territory, rather than control over the individuals who suffer as a result of a foreign state's activities.

This narrow approach to jurisdiction (both in terms of linking it to territory and seeing it as one dimensional), is a challenge to viewing human rights obligations in an extraterritorial light. However, what is beginning to become clearer is that one or more foreign states may directly or indirectly exert sufficient control over an individual to influence his or her human rights enjoyment without that foreign state having territorial control where the individual resides. With increased globalization and international interaction involving parties with significantly unequal (economic, military, or other) power, it makes more sense to talk about jurisdiction over individuals or over actions, than necessarily tying it exclusively to territory.

A concept closely linked to jurisdiction is the notion of state responsibility. This is another key concept that needs to be revisited in order to operationalize extraterritorial obligations. In legal terms, state responsibility is triggered when the state has committed an internationally wrongful act, that is, a breach of an international obligation. International human rights treaties contain obligations for states—both domestically and internationally. However, state responsibility for breaches of international human rights law as a result of a state's actions beyond its borders is rarely triggered. This is partially due to the narrow interpretation of jurisdiction as indicated above, and partially due to a lack of effective accountability mechanisms for human rights violations. Yet, the concept of state responsibility could be applied to breaches of extraterritorial human rights obligations if the willingness to use these principles were present. However, what has to be developed further is the notion of diffuse and shared responsibility. The practice of extraordinary rendition provides a number of examples of how different states might be responsible for different human rights violations—all arising out of the same general incident. Thus, what international law has to begin to get away from is the idea that only one state—invariably the territorial state—is responsible for committing human rights violations.

Yet another related issue is the problem of accountability. There are international accountability structures accessible to victims of violations of human rights. However, these are generally related to the domestic state and are dependent upon this state's acceptance of the jurisdiction of the international courts or committees. Due to the inability to hold states accountable for human rights violations in other countries, international law principles of immunity and jurisdiction limited to territory tend to prevail. The issue of immunity also results in limited accountability for intergovernmental organizations (such as the World Bank and other international financial institutions), even though states that have (extraterritorial) human rights obligations make up the membership of these organizations and are collectively responsible for the decisions and policies of these institutions. Again, the development of accountability mechanisms that can respond to the current international interdependent structures and their effect on human rights is essential.

While the intention of the book is to illustrate how extraterritorial obligations are relevant for individual human rights, it is not possible to be exhaustive in such a relatively small collection of contributions. Thus, each author has chosen his or her own theme within the overall focus of extraterritoriality, and the chapters should therefore be read as illustrations as to how individual human rights may be affected by the actions of foreign states. The advantage of this approach is that several aspects of the extraterritorial effects of states' actions are illustrated (such as trade, development assistance, military cooperation, refugee protection) through the assessment of individual human rights. It is likely that much of the discussions on the variety of extraterritorial conduct could be applied to a number of the other rights as well. Consequently, the chapters add a wealth of knowledge to a field in which systematic analysis is still wanting.

What becomes clear throughout the various chapters on the different rights is that extraterritorial obligations follow the tripartite classification of obligations mentioned above. There is a negative right to respect human rights in other countries, inter alia through avoiding taking part in extraordinary rendition, or through avoiding pollution of water or restricting the water sources for a neighboring country. In terms of the obligation to protect, states have obligations to ensure that they protect individuals against human rights violations by third (private) parties. In an extraterritorial setting, this means regulating the activities of transnational corporations over which they exert jurisdiction in order to avoid having these entities engage in practices that breach human rights standards in other countries. Examples of this may be the regulation against the use of child labor, or regulation to ensure human rights compliance by private security companies. Finally, the obligation to fulfill is a positive obligation to support foreign countries in their quest to implement human rights within their own domestic setting through measures such as development assistance that is human rights conducive, or assistance to develop a human rights infrastructure (functioning judiciary, anti-corruption measures, and so forth).

In addressing the concept of extraterritorial human rights obligations, we have found that violations of civil and political rights are understood more easily than violations of economic, social, and cultural rights. Without making any value judgment as to the importance of different sets of rights, or indeed the necessity of addressing extraterritorial obligations equally for all five types of rights, we have found several causes for the easier understanding of violations of civil and political rights. First, as the chapters on torture, life, and refugee protection clearly demonstrate, the direct causation between government action or inaction and human rights violation may be more easily ascertained. For instance, in terms of extraordinary rendition (as addressed by Manfred Nowak in Chapter 1), the extraterritorial effects of human rights violations are very clear and easy to document. Second, most people still have a better grasp of civil and political rights than economic, social, and cultural rights. Thus, the first part of the book focuses on civil and political rights.

In Chapter 1, Manfred Nowak illustrates that the right to be free of torture, which has traditionally been viewed as operating within national territorial boundaries, has recently come to be recognized as having significant extraterritorial components. Nowak, who presently is the UN special rapporteur on torture, analyzes how the obligation to refrain from torture reaches beyond the borders of states that have ratified relevant human rights treaties (in particular the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights and the Convention against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman, or Degrading Treatment or Punishment), notwithstanding the seemingly territorial limitations in these treaties. By addressing issues such as refoulement in refugee law and torture issues relating to the "war on terror," Nowak makes compelling arguments for the further reach of states' obligations.

Taking the point of departure from the fundamental right to life, Barbara Frey (Chapter 2) illustrates the significant human rights problems created by the proliferation of small arms on the international market. Starting with a review of the extraterritorial obligations to protect the right to life as a customary norm as well as a right based in treaty law, Frey, the former UN special rapporteur on small arms and human rights, considers how such obligations are enforceable. This leads to a consideration of emerging customary norms on the specific issue of small arms transfers and their likely misuse. The failure of the exporting state to recognize its own responsibility for the effects of the prevalence of such arms (and the tragic consequences that so often follow from this) are clearly documented and analyzed in this chapter.

Two chapters in the book take inspiration from other areas of international law that are in many respects closely related to human rights. In Chapter 3, Thomas Gammeltoft-Hansen covers international refugee law. He presents the changing reality of refugee law, which continues to move "outward" from the territorial boundaries of the receiving state. Such examples include the US interdiction program off the coast of Haiti, Australia's "Pacific solution" of transferring refugee determinations offshore, and the various policies pursued by European states that have helped move the refugee determination process seemingly all the way back to the country of origin—or something close to this. In this situation, extraterritorial obligations are not only implicated in the important principle of non-refoulement, but in a host of diverse human rights issues as well.

In another sister-area to international human rights law, John Knox (Chapter 4) provides an analysis of how international environmental law has dealt with extraterritorial obligations. Knox situates environmental rights within the broader framework of international human rights law, and he elaborates specifically on vertical and diagonal obligations. He neatly sums up the different approaches this way: "human rights law has the advantage of providing rights to individuals, but the disadvantage of not always clearly extending those rights beyond the territorial jurisdiction of their own states. International environmental law (IEL) has the converse strength and weakness." Using this paradigm as a focal point, Knox shows how several international and regional environmental law instruments, as well as the broader principle of non-discrimination in international law, have important implications in the field of human rights.

Returning to the core of international human rights law, Judith Bueno de Mesquita, Paul Hunt, and Rajat Khosla (Chapter 5) address the right to the highest attainable standard of health, building specifically on the work Hunt has carried out in his capacity as the UN special rapporteur on the right to health. Placing extraterritorial obligations within a larger context, including states' behavior in international financial institutions, the chapter focuses specifically on the Hunt's experience in assessing the effect of Swedish development assistance on the right to the highest attainable standard of health in Uganda.

The current international food crisis provides the framework for Michael Windfuhr's contribution on the right to adequate food. In Chapter 6, he addresses how national and international policy structures and policy choices have contributed to the current negative state of food availability, and he sets this situation in the context of a right to adequate food. Through the presentation of case studies where external actors have had significant impacts on local peoples' enjoyment of the right to food, Windfuhr illustrates compellingly that the realization and the protection of the right to adequate food should not be limited to territorial boundaries of any state, but that international cooperation is an instrument to achieve the progressive realization of this right.

Virginia Leary (Chapter 7) takes a different approach from the other contributors in this volume. Leary focuses on a single example where a foreign state (the United States) and an intergovernmental organization (the International Labor Organization) worked in tandem in order to help improve workers' rights in another country (Cambodia). In particular, through a case study of the Cambodian textile exports and the ILO, Leary addresses the benefits that may come from external actors' concern over working conditions, including trade union rights, in a national setting in a developing country, although she is also quite cognizant of the tenuous nature of extraterritorial protection of those rights. What is also important about Leary's contribution is that it clearly shows that the issue of extraterritorial obligations is not solely about negative externalities.

Malcolm Langford's chapter on the right to housing (Chapter 8) contextualizes the issue of extraterritorial obligations within the field of international cooperation, with particular reference to international development. Langford does so through the use of two case studies: one on forced evictions, and the other on urban upgrading in international development.

Amanda Cahill (Chapter 9) addresses an important, yet implicit, right in the International Covenant on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights, namely, the right to water. Her chapter focuses primarily on General Comment 15, adopted by the UN Committee on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights in 2002, and then applies these principles to a detailed discussion relating to the manner in which the United Kingdom's Department for International Development (DFID) addresses and complies with such obligations in its overseas work.

In sum, each one of the chapters that follows challenges, in one way or another, some of the most basic and established principles in international law generally, and human rights law more specifically. This challenge is not an option but a necessity if human rights law is to remain relevant for, and provide a meaningful response to, individuals around the world who face torture, starvation, lack of housing, polluted water, and failure to obtain refugee status or life-saving medicines—often due to actions or omissions on the part of foreign states.

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